OPINION: Erdogan wants to redesign politics with Akin Gurlek

By Fikret Bila, HalkTV

The government’s use of administrative authority and judicial processes against leading opposition figures has intensified debate over the direction of Türkiye’s domestic politics. Critics argue that recent actions targeting mayors from the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) reflect a broader effort to curb political competition ahead of future national elections.

Author:  Fikret Bila

Administrative Powers and Judicial Action

Observers say the government’s objective of reshaping the domestic political landscape has become increasingly visible.

Following the opposition CHP’s sweeping success in local elections, several CHP-affiliated mayors were removed from office through administrative decisions. In their place, trustees were appointed — effectively nullifying local election outcomes and sidelining elected officials.

Subsequently, judicial proceedings were launched against prominent CHP figures.

Investigations targeted, among others:

• Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor and CHP presidential candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu

• Adana Metropolitan Mayor Zeydan Karalar

• Antalya Metropolitan Mayor Muhittin Böcek

Several of these mayors spent extended periods in pre-trial detention. Karalar was released after months in prison but was not reinstated to his post.

Similarly, Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer was freed after roughly a year in detention but did not regain his position. In another case, former Mardin Mayor Ahmet Türk was acquitted yet was not reinstated.

Diverging Signals Within the Ruling Bloc

Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli publicly suggested that certain dismissed figures should return to office, including Ahmet Türk. Despite these remarks, no reinstatements followed.

Critics argue that while judicial rulings aligned with government expectations appear to be accepted, decisions running counter to those expectations have not led to political reversals.

Targeting Presidential Contenders?

Analysts contend that leading and electorally successful CHP figures are being systematically pushed out of active politics.

In the case of Ekrem İmamoğlu, beyond ongoing legal proceedings, his university diploma was annulled — a move widely interpreted as an attempt to block a potential presidential candidacy.

Ankara Metropolitan Mayor Mansur Yavaş has also faced scrutiny. Authorities granted permission for an investigation related to concerts organized by the municipality, signaling that he too could face mounting legal pressure.

Meanwhile, Keçiören Mayor Mesut Özarslan, previously aligned with CHP and considered close to Yavaş, resigned from the party and has been subjected to inspections by the Interior Ministry. Reports suggested he might switch to the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) or MHP, though no formal offer has materialized.

It remains unclear whether investigations surrounding Özarslan could extend to Yavaş.

Pressure on CHP Leadership

CHP leader Özgür Özel is also facing potential legal pressure. Thirty-seven parliamentary motions seeking to lift his immunity are currently pending in parliament.

Whether authorities will act on those motions remains uncertain. However, critics argue that the broader strategy appears aimed at:

• Preventing strong CHP figures from contesting the presidency

• Fueling internal party tensions

• Weakening the opposition’s capacity to mount effective resistance

Implications for the Opposition

CHP officials are said to be aware of the pressures facing the party. Yet commentators stress that this is not solely a CHP issue.

Other opposition parties — particularly the pro-Kurdish DEM Party — may also face similar challenges if current trends persist.

Observers argue that Türkiye’s drift away from established democratic and rule-of-law norms could have wider political costs. The restructuring of domestic politics through administrative and judicial tools may set precedents that affect the entire opposition landscape.

The coming months are likely to test the resilience of Türkiye’s institutional framework and the balance between executive authority and democratic competition.

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